World Articles

Article / Updated 10-10-2023

“Palestine” was a common name used until 1948 to describe the geographic region between the Mediterranean Sea and the Jordan River. In its history, the Assyrians, Babylonians, Persians, Greeks, Romans, and Egyptians, among others, have controlled Palestine at one time or another. The Ottoman Empire ruled the region from the 1500s through 1917. After World War I, Palestine was administered by the United Kingdom under a mandate received in 1922 from the League of Nations. The modern history of Palestine begins with the termination of the British Mandate, the Partition of Palestine and the creation of Israel, and the ensuing Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The Partition of Palestine In 1947, the United Nations (U.N.) proposed a Partition Plan for Palestine titled “United Nations General Assembly Resolution 181 (II) Future Government of Palestine.” The resolution noted Britain’s planned termination of the British Mandate for Palestine and recommended the partition of Palestine into two states, one Jewish and one Arab, with the Jerusalem-Bethlehem area protected and administered by the United Nations. The resolution included a highly detailed description of the recommended boundaries for each proposed state. The resolution also contained plans for an economic union between the proposed states and for the protection of religious and minority rights. The resolution called for the withdrawal of British forces and termination of the Mandate by August 1948 and establishment of the new independent states by October 1948. First Arab-Israeli War (1948) Jewish leadership accepted the Partition Plan but Arab leaders rejected it. The Arab League threatened to take military measures to prevent the partition of Palestine and to ensure the national rights of the Palestinian Arab population. One day before the British Mandate expired, Israel declared its independence within the borders of the Jewish State set out in the Partition Plan. The Arab countries declared war on the newly formed State of Israel beginning the 1948 Arab-Israeli War. After the war, which Palestinians call the Catastrophe, the 1949 Armistice Agreements established the separation lines between the combatants: Israel controlled some areas designated for the Arab state under the Partition Plan, Transjordan controlled the West Bank and East Jerusalem, and Egypt controlled the Gaza Strip. The Six Day War The Six Day War was fought from June 5 to June 10, 1967, with Israel emerging victorious and effectively seizing control of the Gaza Strip and the Sinai Peninsula from Egypt, the West Bank and East Jerusalem from Jordan, and the Golan Heights from Syria. The U.N. Security Council adopted Resolution 242, the “land for peace” formula, which called for Israeli withdrawal “from territories occupied” in 1967 and “the termination of all claims or states of belligerency.” Resolution 242 recognized the right of “every state in the area to live in peace within secure and recognized boundaries free from threats or acts of force.” The 1973 War In October 1973, war broke out again between Israel and Egypt in the Sinai and Syria in the Golan Heights. A ceasefire was achieved (U.N. resolution 339) and U.N. peacekeepers deployed on both the fronts, only withdrawing from the Egyptian front after Israel and Egypt concluded a peace treaty in 1979. U.N. peacekeepers remain deployed in the Golan Heights. Rise of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) In 1974, the Arab League recognized the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) as the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people and relinquished its role as representative of the West Bank. The PLO gained observer status at the U.N. General Assembly the same year. In 1988, the Palestinian National Council of the PLO approved a Palestinian Declaration of Independence in Algiers, Tunisia. The declaration proclaims a “State of Palestine on our Palestinian territory with its capital Jerusalem,” although it does not specify exact borders, and asserts U.N. Resolution 181 supports the rights of Palestinians and Palestine. The declaration was accompanied by a PLO call for multilateral negotiations on the basis of U.N. Resolution 242. The Intifada (1987 to 1993) Conditions in the Gaza Strip and West Bank, including Jerusalem, after more than 20 years of military occupation, repression and confiscation of land, contributed to a Palestinian uprising called the intifada in December 1987. Between 1987 and 1993, over 1,000 Palestinians were killed and thousands injured, detained, imprisoned in Israel or deported from the Palestinian territories. The peace process In 1993, the Oslo Accords, the first direct, face-to-face agreement between Israel and the PLO, were signed and intended to provide a framework for the future relations between the two parties. The Accords created the Palestinian National Authority (PNA) with responsibility for the administration of the territory under its control. The Accords also called for the withdrawal of Israeli forces from parts of the Gaza Strip and West Bank. Implementation of the Oslo Accords suffered a serious setback with the assassination of Yitzhak Rabin, Israeli Prime Minister and signer of the Oslo Accords, in November 1995. Since 1995, several peace summits and proposals, including the Camp David Summit (2000), Taba Summit (2001), the Road Map for Peace (2002), and the Arab Peace Initiative (2002 and 2007), have attempted to broker a solution, with no success. At the same time, internal divisions between two Palestinian political parties ― Hamas and Fatah ― after Hamas won legislative elections in 2006 and took over administration of the Gaza Strip, led to conflicts that undermined the peace process. The drive for recognition of Palestinian statehood In September 2011, Mahmoud Abbas, President of the Palestinian National Authority, requested recognition of a Palestinian state from both the United Nations General Assembly and Security Council. In October 2011, the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) admitted Palestine as a member. In November 2012, the U.N. granted Palestine non-member observer State status. This progress on the international scene, however, was undercut by developments in the Gaza Strip and West Bank. In June 2014, Hamas and Fatah instituted a unified national Palestinian government retaining Abbas as President, prompting Israel to condemn the new government and withdraw from negotiations, claiming that a Palestinian government including Hamas would lead to increased terrorism and threaten the security of Israel. Fighting immediately broke out in Gaza between Israel security forces and Hamas and lasted through the summer, ending in an Egyptian-brokered cease-fire in August 2014. Since that time, periodic violent conflicts have occurred between Palestinians and Israeli security forces with deaths on both sides. In May 2017, Hamas officials proposed a Palestinian state defined by the 1967 borders with the capital in Jerusalem, but refused to recognize Israel as a state. In so doing, the proposal undercut a central aim of the Oslo Accords and other proposed agreements ― a two-state solution that recognizes an independent state of Palestine alongside the state of Israel. Israel immediately rejected this proposal. Late in 2017, the U.S. government made statements recognizing Jerusalem as the capital of Israel. This prompted Palestinian leaders including President Abbas in January 2018 to call for an end of Palestinian recognition of Israel until Israel recognized the state of Palestine as defined by the 1967 borders including the Gaza Strip, West Bank, and East Jerusalem, along with suspension of settlement efforts in the West Bank. In May 2021, a further round of violence erupted between Palestinians and Israeli security forces, in response to protests in East Jerusalem over the potential eviction of several Palestinian families. The ensuing violence claimed more than 250 Palestinian lives and more than a dozen Israelis, before Israel and Hamas agreed to a cease-fire. Recent history further demonstrates that numerous issues remain to be settled by Israelis and Palestinians, and even between Palestinians themselves, before a truly unified and independent state of Palestine emerges, and peace comes to the region.

Cheat Sheet / Updated 02-25-2022

One effective way to approach the tremendous breadth and depth of world history is to break it into digestible bits of information. Here are four approaches to putting the many millennia and decades in perspective by looking at civilizations and societies as they changed, at ruling dynasties, at advances in science and technology, and at the deadliest wars.

Cheat Sheet / Updated 02-01-2022

Napoleon Bonaparte's rise to power at the end of the eighteenth century led to two decades of change not only in France, but in all of Europe. From the Napoleonic Wars to progressive reforms in law, education, and human rights, Napoleon left a legacy that forever changed the politics and culture of Europe.

Article / Updated 03-26-2016

When the 28-year-old General Napoleon Bonaparte returned to Paris in early December 1797, it must have seemed like he had the entire world at his feet. In a very short period of time, he had saved his government from overthrow at home and defended her against attack from abroad. The Italian campaign had been an overwhelming success, and everyone knew it. The Directory's financial picture was good only to the extent that Napoleon had managed to send incredible riches home, and Paris was now the home to some of the world's greatest artistic and historic treasures. Everyone loves a hero, and Parisians were certainly no exception. Napoleon was wined and dined at every opportunity. Generals, diplomats, and politicians paid homage at his home, which was often quite crowded. Napoleon was in great demand at every imaginable social function, and he also held court at numerous salons — afternoon meetings of intellectuals and others. In some ways, the salons may have been Napoleon's favorite activity. He quite rightfully saw himself as an intellectual and scholar, and the salons, run by fashionable ladies whose husbands were of means (which means they had money!), gave him the opportunity to rub shoulders with the best intellectual minds of Paris. Achieving high honors The greatest tribute that can be paid to an intellectual in France is election to the National Institute of Sciences and Arts of France, which had been created on August 22, 1795. That august body, known today as the French Institute, is made up of the crème de la crème of France's intellectual elite, and membership is closely controlled. Napoleon's election to the Institute was a telling measure of the esteem in which he was held. It was a well-deserved tribute and one that Napoleon always held with great pride. And he would soon justify the honor many times over. With Napoleon's credentials even more firmly established, he was in even greater demand on the social circuit. He met intellectuals of all stripes. The most notorious of these was Madame Anne Louise Germaine de Staël. Her salon was perhaps the most important, and she met Napoleon at numerous social functions. At first enamored with Napoleon, in time she turned against him and was his nemesis for many years, writing scathing criticisms of his rule. Even so, Madame de Staël (as she is generally known) was one of the most important and influential women of her time. Other tributes ranged from the humorous to the touching. The Directory paid Napoleon several honors, including throwing banquets for him, despite its growing concern over his popularity and his disdain for the governing body's lack of competence. Composers and poets wrote in his honor, and he was given the best seats at any performance he wished to attend. Finally, the street his home was on was renamed Rue de la Victoire ("Street of Victory") in his honor. Glory can be fleeting, and Napoleon understood this well, but for the moment, things were great. However, not everything was as it seemed. Looking for a new campaign Napoleon had had great success and had achieved a position of enormous popularity. Now, who could possibly have a problem with that? For one, the Directory — a collection of incompetent, greedy politicians that was running France. It was one thing to have a popular General Bonaparte running around in Italy; it was quite another to have him running around in Paris. Napoleon was obviously ambitious, and the Directory feared he might turn that ambition in its general direction. Napoleon, to his credit, kept out of politics and played the game more or less to the satisfaction of all. Still, the Directory wanted him out of town, soon. A new campaign was needed, and one was quickly found. Only England remained in opposition to France, and England had to be defeated, one way or another. The most obvious way to defeat England would be by direct invasion. This idea had been around a long time, of course, but now France seemed ready. Victorious on land, her armies led by a great general (who, as it happened, the Directory wanted out of Paris — now!), the time seemed incredibly ripe. But the idea just wouldn't float. The idea of invading England literally wouldn't float, as it happens. Any invasion would have to deal with the little matter of the English Channel, that body of water between the British Isles and Continental Europe that had always been England's first line of defense. To invade England, France would have to go by ship, and therein lay a problem: England had the greatest navy in the world, and France had not much of a navy at all. That little detail didn't stop the French from having a go at it. The French were allied with Spain at the time, and Spain did have a pretty decent fleet. Napoleon put together a plan of battle but kept coming up against the fact that he simply would not have sufficient sea power to prevail. By February 1798, he was finally forced to face reality. He wrote the Directory, suggesting that at best the invasion was at least a year away, and at worst the time had already come and gone. France would have to look elsewhere for a victory over her archenemy, England. Napoleon was anxious for a new campaign to keep his glory alive. The Directory was anxious to see him off on just such a campaign, the farther away from Paris the better. Soon, the two would agree on a win-win plan: Napoleon would invade Egypt.

Article / Updated 03-26-2016

After military successes in Egypt, Napoleon was treated as a returning hero of mythic proportions in 1799. To the French people, he was Caesar and Alexander rolled into one. The streets were full of his admirers. The Council of Ancients (one of France's legislative bodies) gave him a standing ovation when he appeared before them. Behind all the public show was a floundering government. Various political factions, ranging from radical Revolutionaries on one side to royalists on the other, were vying for power. Military success in the field, most especially by General André Masséna, had at least temporarily stymied the efforts of the Second Coalition (the alliance of Austria, Russia, and England to overthrow the French government), but domestic problems loomed. Some of the problems included the following: Some areas, such as the Vendée, were again considering secession from France. Chouan rebels, conservative Catholic royalists supported by the clergy and whose leaders were paid by the British, were threatening civil war. The highways were as unsafe as they had been in the years leading up to the Revolution. (Even Napoleon's baggage had been broken into on the trip to Paris.) Armed groups of hoodlums, some quite large, terrorized the populace. Napoleon wondered out loud what had happened to his country, and it was a good question. The government and citizens understood that something needed to be done, but few could agree on what that something was. Napoleon knew he was very popular, but he also understood the fleeting nature of popularity. The question What have you done for me lately? has sunk many a political career, and Napoleon was determined not to let it happen to him. Everywhere he looked, he saw incompetence and threats to his beloved French Republic, and he was determined to play a major role in protecting the gains of the Revolution. At first, he considered becoming a member of the Directory. This step would have been simple enough but for the fact that he was only 30 and the constitution required Directory members to be at least 40. There was little support for changing a constitution to put a general on the Directory, so Napoleon had to dig deeper. Analyzing the political situation The French political situation was chaotic at best. The legislative branch had come under the strong influence of a strong royalist faction, and there was a possibility that royalists would soon control that branch of the government. The executive wing, the Directory, was a major defender of the Revolution. Yes, it was corrupt and mainly interested in staying in power long enough to get rich (which didn't actually take that long, as it happens), but it was also more in tune with the wishes and needs of the people than was the legislative branch. Another, perhaps surprising, supporter of the Revolution (and hence part of the "liberal" wing of government) was the army. In the old days, the army had been run by the nobility, but now there was scarcely a noble to be found in or out of the army. Made up largely of the very common people the Revolution was designed to protect, the army was, by and large, interested in protecting the Revolution. It had become a strong political force, and anyone who sought to change the government would need the support of the army. Unveiling conspiracies Against this backdrop, a major plot was under way to replace the government. Well, actually, there were at least two major plots. Paul Barras, a member of the Directory who had helped bring Napoleon to the forefront, was involved in a major effort to bring back a Bourbon monarchy. A corrupt womanizer to his very core, Barras was less a royalist than a man seeking additional power and wealth, in this case perhaps as many as 12 million francs. In addition to Barras on the right, the minister of war, General Jean-Baptiste Bernadotte, a strong supporter of Jacobin causes, was considering leading a coup of his own. Bernadotte had married Napoleon's first girlfriend, Désirée Clary, and though he would serve in Napoleon's army, he would always be his rival and ultimately turn on him. Barras and Bernadotte were not the only people involved in conspiracies. One of the major players in the third significant plot was none other than Napoleon's youngest brother, Lucien Bonaparte. Long active in Revolutionary politics, he had been elected to the Council of Five Hundred (the other legislative branch) and, just months earlier, had become its president. Lucien was supporting a plot by Emmanuel Joseph Sieyès and Roger Ducos, both of whom he had helped become members of the Directory. Sieyès had been a major player in the very earliest days of the Revolution and now believed it was his job to give France a more stable and effective government, as well as to protect it from any royalist plots. To do that, Sieyès and his supporters believed they needed to replace the Directory with a three-man Consulate that would run France more or less as a dictatorship. Sieyès and Lucien Bonaparte had enlisted the support of several other powerful politicians in Paris, including Joseph Fouché, Jean-Jacques Régis de Cambacérès, and Charles Maurice de Talleyrand-Périgord, better known simply as Talleyrand. Talleyrand had previously failed to alert the Turks of the French expedition to Egypt and had thus caused Napoleon a great deal of difficulty. This group had the support of a number of other politicians, but all recognized that they needed the support of the army. To get that, they needed their "sword," a general who would support them and who could bring support of the army with him. Hmmmm. Who do you suppose will end up with that job? Actually, Sieyès originally had someone else in mind. General Barthelemy Joubert was born in the same year as Napoleon and had established a good name for himself, largely in Italy. Sieyès thought he could control Joubert, which made him an ideal candidate. Unfortunately for these plans, to say nothing of the young Joubert, he was killed at the Battle of Novi in Italy on Napoleon's 30th birthday, August 15, 1799. Providing a sword Sieyès then turned to plan B. That would be B as in Bonaparte. Napoleon had far more to offer than any other general. For starters, he was a national hero. Any enterprise that involved him would have instant credibility and popularity, at least at the beginning. Napoleon was also one of the most competent people around. Not only was he an excellent and successful general, but he had already shown his administrative abilities in Italy, Malta, and Egypt. Moreover — and this was very important to Sieyès — Napoleon had well-established republican beliefs; he would be an excellent shield against any royalist efforts. Of course, Sieyès wasn't too happy with Napoleon's obvious ambition, but he figured he could keep that under control. Besides, time was of the essence. Barras and Bernadotte were not going to dawdle forever; there was no time like the present to get things underway. Napoleon was offered the chance to play his role, and after some consideration, he accepted. He knew that something had to be done to improve France's government, and he wanted to be the one to do it. The plot thickens The conspirators began to take action, and at first all went well. On November 9, 1799, the Council of Ancients put Napoleon in charge of the troops in Paris and its outlying areas, and then it decreed that the legislative bodies would move to the suburbs, to a town called St. Cloud, for their own security. This move was really intended just to get them out of Paris proper and away from the prying eyes of Parisian citizens. Meanwhile, Talleyrand was sent to bribe Barras to resign from the Directory. The bribe was eagerly accepted. The stage was set, but one of the actors did not behave as well as he could have. That would be none other than Napoleon. On November 10th, Napoleon first went to the Council of Ancients to convince them of the need for change. According to at least some eyewitnesses, Napoleon lost his cool and may even have become somewhat incoherent. He seemed, to some, to be threatening force. He was roundly booed and left the hall in disgrace. Napoleon then went to the Council of Five Hundred, where Lucien was presiding, to seek their support for change. This encounter should have been a cakewalk, but again Napoleon found himself facing increasingly angry politicians. Curses were shouted, and Napoleon was actually physically attacked. Several soldiers came in and escorted him to safety. The members of the Council then turned on Lucien, demanding that he declare his brother an outlaw. He refused but was able to calm the crowd down somewhat. He sent a note to Napoleon indicating that he had but a few minutes to act. Napoleon's first thought was his brother's safety, so he sent a group of soldiers in to rescue Lucien. Ever the loyal brother, Lucien then addressed the soldiers who were assembled outside the Council's meeting hall — soldiers who were thoroughly confused as to what was going on — and told them that armed royalists were attempting to seize control and it was up to them to take action to protect the republic. Holding his sword up, Lucien promised to run it through Napoleon himself if necessary in the republic's defense. Napoleon then spoke to his soldiers. He had really hoped not to have to use force in this coup, but force was clearly needed now, else he be declared an outlaw and shot. His composure now back in full order, he told his soldiers that he had attempted to speak to the Council and had been instead attacked with daggers. The soldiers were outraged; the drums sounded, and the grenadiers, bayonets fixed, marched into the hall. Many of the members of the Council took the opportunity to discover the joys of a quick exit through the windows. Remaining members of the two branches of the legislature immediately met and appointed Napoleon, Sieyès, and Ducos as Consuls in a new provisional government. It was a bloodless coup; that, at least, had gone according to plan. The days of November 9th and 10th fall into the Revolutionary calendar month of Brumaire, so Napoleon's rise to power is usually referred to as the Coup d'état de Brumaire. Consolidating power Napoleon was only one of three provisional Consuls and, in theory, not necessarily any more powerful than the other two. This fiction must have lasted all of a few minutes. Napoleon very quickly took charge, leading discussions about everything imaginable. Sieyès is said to have remarked that Napoleon was a man who knew how to do everything, was able to do everything, and wanted to do everything. He was exactly right. Napoleon and his new allies quickly appointed their supporters to important positions and began to write a constitution. Napoleon was determined that the new constitution would be progressive and give new rights to the people. So the constitution included universal male suffrage at age 21 and a system of plebiscites (public votes) to confirm the new constitution and its new government. A legislative branch was established, but it was clear to one and all that the real power rested in the executive branch, embodied by the three Consuls. Sieyès tried to marginalize Napoleon's power, but in the end the First Consul had the real power in the government, and Napoleon was to be First Consul. Sieyès was convinced to resign and accept the presidency of the Senate. Ducos also resigned and accepted a series of relatively minor political positions. Napoleon then appointed Jean-Jacques Régis de Cambacérès, a respected lawyer, as Second Consul and Charles François Lebrun, a moderate known for his expertise in finances, as Third Consul. The French people adopted the new constitution on December 14, 1799. At the ripe old age of 30, Napoleon was the leader of France. A lot of things had contributed to his rise to power, including Personal characteristics such as his intelligence, determination, and force of will Family support Powerful and influential friends His willingness to take risks The opportunities afforded by the French Revolution and its aftermath His luck Most importantly, his sheer ability Europe was about to find out just how important the events of late 1799 had been. Securing domestic peace Napoleon's first order of business as First Consul was to eliminate some of the internal threats to the public order. The previous government had been reluctant to send the army after the rebel bands, but Napoleon, aware that domestic peace was crucial to the success of his new government, had no such qualms. He sent soldiers in with a vengeance, along with proclamations that warned citizens that they would be shot on sight if caught collaborating with rebel groups. Adding the carrot to the stick, Napoleon offered generous terms to those rebels who would renounce their efforts. He offered to allow nobles who had left during the Revolution, called émigrés, to return peacefully, though without having their lands restored. Priests, who had also suffered under the Revolution, were also given fair terms without actually restoring their powers. By February 1800, most of France's internal disorder had been eliminated, and Napoleon could turn to other matters.

Article / Updated 03-26-2016

Waterloo is a small town a few miles south of Brussels, Belgium. It's an unassuming place, with a church, a few inns, and some homes surrounded by old stone farmhouses and lots of open fields. Those farms and fields are its claim to fame, because one of the most famous battles in history was fought on them. The Battle of Waterloo, as it has come to be known, is always included on lists of battles that changed the course of history. Napoleon was considered one of the greatest generals ever, yet he is often defined by this one terrific loss at the end of his career. The word has entered our language: You probably know what it means when we say someone has met their Waterloo, even if you don't know anything about the actual battle. Feeling the weight of Waterloo For Napoleon, Waterloo was the final struggle against the forces that battled him since the very beginning of his career. For almost 20 years, he had fought various coalitions of British, Austrian, Russian, and Prussian armies, and the usual suspects were at it again. Only this time, it was to be for all the marbles — not just to determine whether Napoleon would stay in power. The outcome of the battle would go a long way in determining whether the move toward political liberalization started by the French Revolution and continued by Napoleon would continue or be greatly slowed. If Napoleon had won, perhaps the European Union would have happened a great deal sooner. Or perhaps not. That's the frustrating but fun aspect of history: You can never be sure what would have happened if one thing (like a battle) had turned out differently. In preparing for the battle, Napoleon appeared to make all the right moves, both on the diplomatic and military fronts. He started strong. But in the end he had too little, too late. Organizing an army and seeking peace After Napoleon entered Paris and reclaimed power without firing a shot, events unfolded quickly. The Coalition that was allied against him was going to act fast to get rid of him once and for all. The Russian and Austrian armies were mobilizing in the east while the British and Prussian armies were very near the French border, in Belgium. To allow all four armies to act in concert against the French would be a disaster. But if he could pick them off one by one, perhaps he could succeed. The Austrians and Russians were fairly far away, so for the moment, Napoleon could ignore them. The British and Prussians were another matter. The British, under the Duke of Wellington, were hanging out in Brussels, with the officers attending parties and the men sitting around grumbling. The Prussians were some miles away, also biding their time but (being Prussians) without the parties. Napoleon really didn't want war. He was old and fat and would have been content to just rule France (okay, and maybe Belgium), bringing reforms and enjoying life with his young wife, Marie Louise, and their son, both of whom he adored. But even his father-in-law, Emperor Francis I of Austria, was against him, preventing his wife and son from joining him in Paris. So war it would be. Napoleon took several critical steps to try to prepare for (or in some cases, avoid) fighting the Coalition forces: He sent an envoy to the Austrians asking for peace, which was ignored. He wrote a personal letter to the Prince Regent of England asking for peace. It was returned, unopened. He increased the army from 200,000 to 300,000 just by inspiring many of his old veterans to reenlist. He called up the National Guard to defend the homeland. He fortified Paris with troops and artillery. He asked his father-in-law, the Emperor of Austria, to send his wife and son back to him, with the possibility that they would rule France if he had to abdicate again. In this request, he was also ignored. He secured the support of the legislative body by agreeing to a new, more liberal constitution written by some of his old liberal foes. All this was not enough. Armies and countries need leaders, so he had to recruit the best and brightest and do so quickly. Naturally, he first turned to those who had been with him before his abdication.

Article / Updated 03-26-2016

You can get a better understanding of the Vietnam War by taking a look at the leaders of North Vietnam (Ho Chi Minh) and South Vietnam (Ngo Dinh Diem). Getting to know more about the two leaders in Vietnam will help you better understand their reactions to the United States as it became more involved in Vietnam. Understanding Ho Chi Minh In many respects, Ho Chi Minh remained a mystery throughout his life and until his death in September 1969. Little is known about his birth date, his early childhood, or his family, leaving considerable speculation about how these events shaped his worldview. His father was a strong Vietnamese nationalist who passed along to Ho a belief that Vietnam belonged to the Vietnamese. Ho Chi Minh was not a good student and, because of his anticolonial views, left the Lycee Huoc-Hoc before graduation. He left for Europe in 1911 on a French ship departing from Saigon, learning about different cultures and gaining alliances for Vietnam. His journeys took him to the United States, Europe, and Asia, and during that time, Ho Chi Minh began formulating his philosophy for Vietnamese independence. Ho Chi Minh used the mystery of his early life to his advantage during the Vietnam War, projecting his image as a man of the people. He was often photographed in peasant clothes and sandals and among the North Vietnamese people. He was viewed as a simple man who required little and wanted only to see his country through to independence. He claimed that his birthday coincided with his introduction to communist ideology. Often referred to as Uncle Ho, Ho Chi Minh stood in stark contrast to his South Vietnamese adversary, Ngo Dinh Diem. Looking to the West: A political education abroad Working as a pastry chef and retouching photographs for part of the time that he spent in Europe during World War I, the effects of the war helped shape Ho's vision of the West and the role it would play in Vietnam. The same was true of his trip to the United States. At the end of World War I, Ho found himself in Europe and traveled to Versailles to represent Vietnam at the Peace Talks even though his country was still controlled by the French and not recognized as an official member of the Treaty of Versailles peace talks. Although President Woodrow Wilson's Fourteen Points promised hope for Ho's quest for Vietnamese independence, he failed to gain a meeting with the president and was not treated seriously by the participants. Communist or nationalist? Ho stayed in France after the war and was a founding member of the French Communist Party. His expectations were that he could work from within to end France's control over Vietnam. Ho became the colonial expert within the French Communist Party because of his knowledge of French colonial control in Indochina but didn't have the influence that he needed to change party doctrine. When the French Communist Party failed to meet his expectations, Ho traveled to the Soviet Union, condemning Western communism for its wait-and-see attitude and revealing his preference for the more active philosophies in Russia. During the 1920s and 1930s, Ho also traveled to China where he became familiar with Mao Tse-tung's anticolonial revolutions based on peasantry. In 1925, Ho founded the Vietnam Revolutionary Youth Group and helped organize the Indochina Communist Party in 1929. During World War II, Ho was imprisoned in China, accused of being a spy for the communists and the French. Upon his release from prison, Ho returned to Vietnam and worked with offices of the American Office of Strategic Services (OSS), rescuing Allied pilots who were shot down over Indochina. Ho Chi Minh supported the U.S. effort during World War II, because he wanted to develop a relationship with the only country capable of aiding in Vietnam's independence movement and influencing France. In trying to gain an understanding of Ho Chi Minh, the question of whether he was communist or nationalist isn't most important. Ho actively resisted France, Japan, China, and the United States when doing so meant advancing Vietnamese independence, and by the same token, he actively supported them whenever doing so meant advancing Vietnamese independence. Ho Chi Minh wanted Vietnam's independence first, free of colonial or foreign interference, and he would use any country — regardless of philosophy — to achieve his goal. Understanding Ngo Dinh Diem Unlike his counterpart to the North, no mystique surrounded Ngo Dinh Diem. Born in 1901 in Quang Binh Province (part of North Vietnam), Diem was the son of a well-educated mandarin (Vietnamese civil servant who took part in running the country) who served as the Minister of Rites and Grand Chamberlain to Emperor Thanh-Thai (1889-1907). Diem's family was one of the earliest to convert to Catholicism, a religion he took with him to the south early in his career. Similar to Ho Chi Minh's father, Diem's father was an ardent nationalist, resigning his government post in protest against French rule in Indochina. Although Diem and Ho went to the same school, Diem was a good student and skillful debater, who graduated at the top of his class. Unlike Ho Chi Minh, Diem's rise to power took a different path. Creating South Vietnam: Diem re-creates the mandarin Similar to Ho, Diem followed the path established by his father and was a strong nationalist who demanded an end to French rule in Indochina. He compared himself with Emperor Gia Long, who reunified Vietnam at the end of the 18th century after pushing out foreign invaders. In the same way that Gia Long created a series of codes and laws for the people, Diem believed that only he could bring order back to his worn-torn country. In Vietnamese history, the rule of the Emperor always was secondary to the rule of the village. Diem, however, maintained that in a time of crisis, Vietnam needed a strong leader making tough decisions for the Vietnamese people. During the early years of the Republic of Vietnam, this philosophy worked, but it backfired when Diem strengthened his hold in the South Vietnamese countryside as the struggle against communism intensified in the late 1950s. Opportunist or nationalist? When the Japanese occupied Indochina, Diem refused to collaborate with them. He, however, supported the Vietnamese emperor Bao Dai, who had been yielding his waning power on Vietnam from France. Bao Dai, the last of the Vietnamese emperors, was a weak leader who worked with the French to retain his power and then with the Japanese during World War II. Because of this collaboration and his unwillingness to return to Vietnam to rule the country, many Vietnamese did not trust or support him. Diem's association with Bao Dai resulted in many Vietnamese people also labeling him a collaborator by association. Diem believed in the power of the Vietnamese monarchy when it complemented his theories of a strong central government, and yet he abandoned the emperor when he concluded that it had become incapable of providing Vietnam with the kind of king it needed to achieve independence. Diem knew that he could provide that leadership. Diem also recognized that France never would give Vietnam its independence, and based on how the Catholics were treated by the Viet Minh after the 1954 Geneva Conference, he didn't believe that Catholics could live peacefully in a Viet Minh-led country. To counter both powers, Diem created Phong Trao Quoc-Gia Qua Kich, a political party known as the Nationalist Extremist Movement. Diem's mission during his nine-year rule of South Vietnam was to create a stable country, but his rise to power all but ensured that he never would achieve that goal. The return of the empire: Diem's rise to power On June 19, 1954, Bao Dai gave Diem dictatorial powers over South Vietnam. Bao Dai still believed he could control Diem from France. Diem, however, was an all-or-nothing person with a strong stubborn streak. He refused the offer of becoming chief of state until Bao Dai gave him what he wanted, settling for no less than the next highest position in order for the emperor to prove that he was capable of ruling the country. Diem wanted Bao Dai to take responsibility for the country and when Diem realized that Bao Dai was incapable, he began assuming responsibility for South Vietnam. Before Diem could effectively rule South Vietnam and make it a viable anticommunist state, he needed to successfully consolidate his power. Three major political-religious sects — the Binh Xuyen, Cao Dai, and Hoa Hao — stood in the way of Diem's ultimate goal in South Vietnam. Each sect believed it was strong enough to rule Vietnam without Diem. Buying influence into the Cao Dai and Hoa Hao sects in 1955, Diem focused them against one another and used his forces to defeat the Binh Xuyen. In April, the Binh Xuyen and Hoa Hao merged, forming the United Front of Nationalist Forces in an attempt to overthrow Diem; however, Diem's forces were swift and efficient in their response, overpowering the Binh Xuyen. By early May, Diem had decimated the Binh Xuyen and diffused the effectiveness of the Hoa Hao and Cao Dai by using a combination of force and persuasion. His consolidation of the three factions was completed May 15, 1955, when he abolished Bao Dai's Imperial Guard. In October 1955, Diem officially replaced Bao Dai as chief of state in an election in which Diem received 98.4 percent of the vote. Although many political and military leaders within the United States would rather Diem had provided freer elections and a more reasonable result, few were concerned that he wouldn't win the election fairly. Nevertheless, Diem consolidated his power and began his focus on the insurgency (communist) movement in South Vietnam. True to the principles of many Vietnamese, the family played an extremely important role. Diem never considered negotiating with the Viet Minh after the Geneva Conference, primarily because the Viet Minh assassinated his brother as a French collaborator. Regardless of the Geneva Agreements, Diem knew that creating a viable anticommunist state in the South was his first mission. He established unchallenged control through a centralized government and prepared South Vietnam for an inevitable invasion from the North. Knowing that general elections scheduled in 1956 could never be free because of the Viet Minh, Diem announced in 1955 that South Vietnam would not participate. South Vietnam remained under Ngo Dinh Diem's control until November 1963, when he was assassinated by young military officers who believed that he no longer possessed the confidence of the Vietnamese people or the United States.

Article / Updated 03-26-2016

Napoleon's family was not impoverished, but it was by no means wealthy. During Napoleon's childhood, the Bonapartes owned only a few rooms of a large house (which they would eventually own in its entirety). The Bonapartes were greatly helped when Napoleon's father, Carlo, applied for and received recognition as a member of the noble class. This allowed Carlo to pursue his political career and gave him advantages as a lawyer as well. Even so, Carlo's salary was never great. Like parents everywhere, Carlo and Napoleon's mother, Leticia, wondered how they would afford their children's education. And like people throughout history, they would find that it never hurt to have good connections. Their connection in this case was substantial: Count Marbeuf, the French governor of Corsica. Getting a helping hand from Marbeuf By all accounts, Count Marbeuf was an outstanding governor of Corsica. He had been sent at a time when emotions were high and the French were not universally loved. But he worked hard to organize reforms and to improve life for average Corsicans. He lowered taxes and organized numerous building projects. This was made easier by the fact that the French government in Paris recognized the delicate nature of his position and supported him with adequate funds to try to make the Corsicans happy with his rule. He even worked on speaking the Corsican dialect of French so that he could better communicate with the common people on the island. In short, he was about as good as the islanders could have ever hoped to get. When Marbeuf first arrived on the island, he actually stayed at the Bonaparte home. Carlo and Marbeuf hit it off quite well and developed a mutually useful relationship. Both men had a strong interest in agriculture and worked together on a couple of projects. They were also both interested in politics, and each supported the French presence on the island. Marbeuf might have helped the Bonapartes regardless of any other factors. But there was another factor, of course. Marbeuf developed quite a strong interest in Carlo's wife, Leticia. With great beauty and a pleasing personality, she no doubt attracted the eyes and inspired the hopes of more than one man on the island. But Marbeuf, of course, was quite different than other men. At 64, he was much older, but more importantly, he was the governor and could offer favors the others could not. Leticia was interested only in a friendly relationship, which seems to have been enough for Marbeuf. They took long walks and had nice talks. Marbeuf treated her family as though they were his own. It was Marbeuf who helped Carlo prove his nobility, and it was Marbeuf who told Carlo of the existence of free scholarships for education in France. With the right recommendation, boys could attend the seminary in Aix, France or a military academy, while girls could go to finishing school at Saint-Cyr — all paid for by the king! This news was almost too good to be true, and Carlo was quick to take advantage of it. In 1777, Marbeuf forwarded his recommendations, and soon Napoleon was accepted to the military academy at Brienne and Napoleon's eldest brother, Joseph, was accepted to the seminary at Aix. But Joseph was too young to start seminary, and Napoleon had to await further processing before he could enter the academy. Again Marbeuf stepped in and sent both boys to stay (at his expense) with his nephew at the college of Autun, where they could learn French. (Marbeuf's nephew just happened to be the local bishop.) And just to help out a little more, Marbeuf arranged for Leticia's half-brother, Joseph Fesch, to attend the seminary at Aix. On December 15, the two boys and Leticia's half-brother left Corsica for the mainland of France. Napoleon was 9 years old and about to enter a world beyond anything he had ever imagined possible. (No one would ever say that these three young men squandered their educations; they would eventually become an emperor, a king, and a cardinal.) Learning to speak French While at Autun, Napoleon had to learn French; as of yet, the future Emperor of the French could hardly speak the language. The effort did not go well. Napoleon found memorizing difficult, and his natural inclination to hurry did not do him well in the study of language. Worse yet, his French had (and always would have) a strong Corsican accent, a fact that did him no favors throughout his schooling. Still, after three months at Autun, Napoleon had learned conversational French and was able to pass his language exams. By May 1778, Carlo had secured the necessary documents so Napoleon could move to the military school at Brienne. Napoleon and Joseph were unhappy to have to part company for what might be a very long time. But Napoleon's time at Autun had been well spent, and he was ready, at the ripe old age of 9, to move on. Attending French military school French military education in the late 18th century was not exactly a model of democracy. The opportunity to be an officer was reserved almost exclusively for the nobility and almost exclusively for native Frenchmen. To say that the system was elitist would be an understatement. Moreover, at least half the young students attended military school on expense accounts provided by their wealthy families. Scholarship recipients like Napoleon were looked down on by most of the students. Napoleon was poor by their standards, and it would show. Worse yet, Napoleon wasn't even French! True, Corsica had become a French territory, but the French had a very low opinion of Corsicans (noble or otherwise), seeing them as just this side of barbarians. Many of the cadets came from wealthy and powerful families, and they did not necessarily appreciate having to mix with the "rabble," even that which was nobility. On Corsica, Napoleon's family was fairly high on the social scale. At Brienne, he was virtually at the bottom. Add to that the fact that Napoleon didn't speak great French (and spoke it with a heavy Corsican accent), and it was clear that Napoleon was stepping into a situation that could prove to be very difficult. Young boys can be cruel in any circumstance, and this situation was made to order for bad behavior and bad attitudes. Napoleon was assigned a small room in a dormitory. It was a Spartan existence, but that didn't seem to bother Napoleon. If nothing else, the dorm situation put all cadets on a somewhat equal footing. All cadets wore a uniform, which was another equalizer. Napoleon was determined to succeed and immediately settled in to his new routine. As a student, he began to excel. (He wasn't a perfect student, though: His spelling and handwriting were quite bad.) He was serious about his studies and spent much of his free time reading. Of course, with his lack of funds he could do little else. Napoleon's relations with the other cadets, however, did not go so well. The young boys of the elite nobility bullied Napoleon. Slight of build, he was less able to physically defend himself than he might have liked, though he did develop a reputation for generally holding his own against his larger adversaries. He began to withdraw somewhat, tending to keep to himself rather than socialize or engage in group activities. (He did enjoy gardening — each cadet was given a small plot of land.) Dealing with poverty Napoleon's poverty continued to be a problem, isolating him from some of the other cadets and preventing him from buying some things he may have wanted. As the years went on, his poverty bothered him more, and he longed to be either removed from school or given an allowance. In 1781, at the age of 12, he wrote his father asking for an allowance or a withdrawal, saying "I am tired of exhibiting indigence, and of seeing the smiles of insolent scholars who are only superior to me by reason of their fortune." Carlo was in no position to give Napoleon any further assistance. His financial picture had not improved, and his health was deteriorating. He and Leticia were anxious for Napoleon to graduate as soon as possible to allow Napoleon's brother Lucien to go to school on the same scholarship. Condemned to poverty, Napoleon resolved to do all the better in school. Soon he began to excel in history, math, and geography. Math was likely the most important of the three for a military career, but history really captured Napoleon's imagination. Like many young men, Napoleon was especially taken with the stories of ancient heroes like Achilles, Alexander the Great, and Julius Caesar. No one could have suspected then that he would eventually join that elite group. While his poverty was certainly a source of difficulty for Napoleon, it almost certainly influenced his later behavior. For example, Napoleon's poverty may have inspired his later commitment to promoting equality in France and throughout his empire. The treatment he received at the hands of the arrogant French noble cadets was also likely a major reason he developed strong feelings for Corsican independence. Notwithstanding the fact that he was receiving an excellent education at French expense, Napoleon began to dream of Corsican independence and to idolize Paoli. These feelings would shape much of his behavior throughout his early career. Napoleon also began to develop some important friendships. Probably the most important was Louis-Antoine Fauvelet de Bourrienne, who would later serve as Napoleon's secretary. Napoleon also became friends with some of the adult staff. His relations with the other students improved somewhat, perhaps because they could see that he was exceptionally talented. His leadership was often sought for the periodic snowball fights that took place. Moving to the next level While Napoleon was at Brienne, Carlo's health continued to get worse. Joseph, who had been very successful at Autun, decided not to enter the seminary and seek a career in the Church. Instead, he wanted to go into the military. (Napoleon opposed this decision and said so, but to no avail.) Lucien, meanwhile, was poised to enter Brienne, which he did in 1784. Unlike Napoleon, however, Lucien had no financial aid, hoping to pick up Napoleon's scholarship upon his older brother's graduation. And Napoleon's youngest sister, Caroline, had been enrolled at the exclusive school at Saint Cyr, where Carlo had managed to get her a scholarship. It was clearly in the family's best interest for Napoleon to graduate as soon as possible. An islander by heritage, Napoleon applied for a position in the navy, but nothing came of that effort. Napoleon was very young, a fact that probably delayed his graduation and may well have prevented positive action on his request for naval service. Another factor was probably the death of the family benefactor, Count Marbeuf, who had been promoting Napoleon's naval aspirations. With Marbeuf gone, the Bonapartes were on their own, and Napoleon needed to move forward in his education. Fortunately, he passed his exams in October 1784 and was accepted to the Military School of Paris. He was only 15 years old. Having excelled at math and geometry, Napoleon selected the military branch that made the best use of those subjects: artillery. This was an excellent decision for many reasons, including the fact that artillery was an elite branch that offered excellent career opportunities. Those opportunities would be greatly enhanced by Napoleon's acceptance to his new school, which was essentially the equivalent of West Point in the United States or Sandhurst in the United Kingdom. Napoleon had really arrived: His nomination had been signed by no less than King Louis XVI. With Napoleon graduated from Brienne, Carlo had hoped that Lucien would receive his scholarship, but that didn't happen. Fortunately, Joseph was able to attend Brienne on a royal scholarship, which certainly helped the family finances. Wowing them in Paris In late October 1784, Napoleon arrived in Paris. It was by far the largest city he had ever seen, and he was completely taken by all the sights. He bought a book about the city and was prepared for a grand time. He would soon discover, however, that Paris was a reflection of the state of French society. It was a city of great wealth but with great poverty as well. A large gap between the rich and the poor is always problematic, and the gap in Paris and throughout France was enormous. None of that mattered much to Napoleon as he entered his new school. He was among the most elite of all France's military leaders. In keeping with its clientele, the school was luxurious. While the quarters were a bit on the small side, the classrooms were large and elegant. Located at one end of the Champ de Mars (today, the Eiffel Tower is at the other end) and near the Hôtel des Invalides (the home for retired veterans), it was very much in the center of things. (In death, Napoleon would return to the area, with his final resting place being under the gold dome of the Invalides. An adjacent military museum is largely dedicated to his career.) In Paris, life was in some ways much grander for Napoleon. The cadets ate five-course meals and had the very best teachers available. The student-teacher ratio was very nearly one to one, which was (and is) virtually unheard of in other schools. Napoleon actually objected to the extravagance of the meals and wrote a lengthy letter to that effect to the Minister of War. At the advice of his former director at Brienne, he dropped the matter. Napoleon continued to be something of a loner. The French nobility at this school were even higher on the social scale than those at Brienne, and they never missed an opportunity to put Napoleon in his place. He had more than one altercation with his comrades. On the other hand, he continued to be a popular selection for snowball fights. As a student, Napoleon continued to excel, though his grades were not as good as they had been in Brienne. In addition to history and math, he developed a strong interest in literature. Still hoping for a commission in the navy, he nevertheless excelled at artillery. His love of Corsica and dreams of her independence did not lessen, nor did the negative reaction of both his classmates and his teachers, who had to remind him from time to time that he was there courtesy of the French king. Losing his father Napoleon's father continued to have serious health problems, and shortly after Napoleon entered school in Paris, Carlo went to southern France to seek diagnosis and treatment. He was told by doctors that his condition was terminal stomach cancer. He died in February 1785. As he had been in life, in death Carlo was deep in debt. If Napoleon thought he was poor when Carlo was alive, he was truly destitute with his father gone. Napoleon was no doubt heartbroken with his father's death, though he likely saw it coming. He showed his strength of character by immediately writing to his mother and even by refusing the usual priestly consolation. As the eldest, it fell to Joseph to return to Corsica to see to family affairs, which allowed Napoleon to remain in school. Graduating ahead of his class The normal course of study for artillery at the Military School of Paris was two years. But Napoleon, who worked hard and excelled in much of what he did, was able to graduate after only one year. Detractors love to point out that his score was not that high — he ranked 42nd of the 58 young men who passed their exams that year. But most of those 58 had been in school at least two years. Napoleon was the fourth youngest of his graduating class and the only one for whom French was not his native language. At 16, Napoleon received his commission as a Second Lieutenant in the Royal Artillery. He was about to step out into the real world — a world that he would soon come to dominate.

Article / Updated 03-26-2016

Napoleon's greatest love would come from the Caribbean island of Martinique. Napoleon never went there, but this woman's father, Joseph Gaspard Tascher de la Pagerie, owned a sugar plantation, complete with slaves, on the island. The family had significant wealth and power, and the children led a very comfortable life in an idyllic location. Marie Josèphe Rose Tascher de la Pagerie was born on June 23, 1763. If you noticed that there is no "Josephine" in her name, you may wonder how that name came about. Her friends and family had always called her Rose, but Napoleon, never content to just go with the flow, called her Josephine (from Josèphe), and that is how she will be forever known. Growing up and getting wise Josephine was given an education in a local convent. As was the custom, her family arranged a marriage for her. It was a promising union, as her husband, 19-year-old Alexander de Beauharnais, was a well-educated and quite wealthy viscount. Well-connected at court, he was also considered one of the best dancers in Paris. Alexander seems to have been a little disappointed in his Rose, but she was elated with the match. The two were married in Paris on December 13, 1779. She was 16. They had two children, Eugène in 1781 and Hortense in 1783, but the marriage was less than happy. Josephine was a bit plump and was not the elegant lady preferred by high society, while Alexander was every bit the dashing dancer that had so attracted Josephine. Soon, his eyes began to wander, and in 1783 he deserted his wife and returned to Martinique, where he was less than faithful. He was hoping to become involved in the American War of Independence, and he took his mistress along with him to the United States. Over the years, he would father several illegitimate children. Josephine soon understood the situation. Now, it wasn't all that unusual for a nobleman to have a mistress, but Josephine was not amused; she applied for and received a legal separation, complete with a nice income. She spent some time in a convent, which is not as severe as it may sound. The convent was home to many ladies of the highest social class, and Josephine learned a great deal from them. Later, she stayed with relatives at the chateau of Fontainebleau. She became active on the social scene, which is to say that she had a long string of affairs, some with rather important men. In 1788, Josephine returned to Martinique, where she spent two years. Among other things, she witnessed a relatively minor slave uprising: All was not well in what she remembered as her idyllic homeland. She returned to Paris, where she had something of a reconciliation with Alexander, though the two never really reunited. Her social life continued, as did her habit of spending far beyond her means. As a result, she was always in financial difficulty. Facing the guillotine Alexander had become a true supporter of the Revolution and had risen to be the president of the National Assembly. Later, he was given some important assignments, including command of the Army of the Rhine. But in 1794, to be a nobleman was to be in trouble. The Terror was well under way, and the guillotine was busy separating heads from shoulders. In March 1794, Alexander was arrested and thrown into prison. To her credit, Josephine did all she could to secure his release. Warned that she was also in danger, she continued her efforts and was put into jail in April. In those days, jail was essentially a way station on a trip to the guillotine. The husband and wife were reunited in prison, though we don't know if they actually reconciled. (Some people believe that while in prison Josephine had an affair with General Louis Lazare Hoche, and it is entirely possible that she did.) Alexander was executed on July 23, 1794. Josephine had every reason to believe that she would meet the same fate, and sooner rather than later. Her luck turned good, though, because in July, Maximilien Robespierre and his supporters were arrested and executed. The Terror was over. Josephine was released on August 6, 1794, after almost four months in prison. Starting over Reunited with her children, Josephine set to starting her life over. To do so, she turned to her many friends. One of them was Thérèse Tallien, who had been her friend during Josephine's years of separation from her husband. Another was Paul Barras. One of the best ways to describe Barras would be "survivor," as he had managed to ride out the storm of the Revolution, the Terror, and the fall of Robespierre to emerge as one of the most powerful men in France. Without question, Josephine's friendship with Barras was the best thing she had going for her. Of course, it seems likely that she was far more than his friend; most historians believe that she was his mistress. The two of them were in a position to help each other out in their various business dealings as well. Josephine had had some really good connections, and some of them were even still alive! Josephine had beauty and charm, and she knew how to survive — in style. But as all who knew her would eventually discover, one thing that she was really good at was spending money, whether or not she had it to spend. Meeting Napoleon There are varying accounts of how Napoleon and Josephine met. Napoleon was a national hero with an up-and-coming career, so he was in great demand for parties all over Paris. He knew Paul Barras and other social luminaries, and it is quite likely that he met Josephine in 1795 at one of the many social functions he attended. Napoleon himself said as much. Here is the more popular, if less likely, story of how Josephine met Napoleon, according to Josephine's daughter, Hortense, from her memoirs, Memoirs of Queen Hortense (2v), published in 1927 (Cosmopolita Book Corporation): Following the riots on the 13th Vendémiaire a law was passed forbidding any private citizen to have weapons in his house. My brother, unable to bear the thought of surrendering the sword that had belonged to his father, hurried off to see General Bonaparte, who at that time was in command of the troops stationed in Paris. He told the General he would kill himself rather than give up the sword. The General, touched by his emotion, granted his request and at the same time asked the name of his mother, saying he would be glad to meet a woman who could inspire her son with such ideals. As the legend continues, Josephine decided to visit Napoleon to thank him for his kindness toward her son. Napoleon, who was busy with his maps (as usual), saw Josephine and fell head over heels in love with her. This story is unlikely, but the fact remains that Napoleon was interested in taking a wife and soon decided that Josephine was the woman for him. Josephine was not completely honest with him. She allowed him to think that she was a bit younger than she was, and of more substantial means. On the plus side, she was a woman of some significant experience, particularly sexual experience. Napoleon, who had very little experience along that line, was probably quite impressed with her charms. Falling in love Napoleon fell madly in love with Josephine. His passion is reflected in the many love letters that have survived. One classic example, written in Paris in December 1795, appears to follow an amusing evening, perhaps their first sexual encounter, and can be found in a 1931 edition of their letters: I awake full of you. Your image and last evening's intoxication have left my senses no repose whatever. Sweet and incomparable Josephine, what a strange effect do you produce upon my heart! Are you vexed? Do I see you sad? Are you troubled? . . . My soul is crushed with grief, and there is no repose for your lover; but is there any the more when, abandoning myself to the profound emotion which masters me, I draw from your lips, from your heart, a flame which consumes me? Ah! It was last night I really understood that your portrait was not you! You are leaving at noon; I shall see you in three hours. Meanwhile, mio dolce amor, a thousand kisses; but do not give me any, for they burn my blood. Napoleon was deeply in love, but Josephine wasn't so sure. She had a pretty good deal going — she was involved in a number of business and other affairs and was maintaining a, ahem, close relationship with Paul Barras. Barras, on the other hand, may well have been anxious to move his rather expensive plaything on to someone else. Indeed, it seems that he arranged for Napoleon to be appointed commander of the French army in Italy in exchange for Napoleon's marrying Josephine. It's a bit hard to understand why Josephine was interested in Napoleon at all. Sure, he was a young hero, but he was also penniless and fairly lacking in social graces. Josephine, on the other hand, had pretty much made it by the time she met him. She had climbed to the very top of the social ladder and was involved in all sorts of interesting things. And then there was the little matter of Napoleon's family. Josephine was 32 years old, 6 years older than Napoleon. She was previously married, had two half-grown children, and had little in the way of money, plus her connections were dubious in their nature. Napoleon's siblings and mother were convinced that he could do far better and that Josephine would be a disaster for him. They did everything they could to discourage the marriage. Had Napoleon's mother, Leticia, been on hand in Paris, she likely would have exerted her influence, and the marriage would not have taken place. Questioning her future Josephine was also not convinced that marrying this young general was the best decision she could make. Marrying a general may sound like a good deal, but generals have a tendency to be sent to far-away places where they can end up being killed. In addition, generals were still very political, and if they fell out of favor they could find themselves at the very least out of a job. Napoleon had already discovered how easy it was to suddenly be on half pay. Josephine, who was involved in military supply dealings, was well aware of the downside to military careers. Josephine's friends counseled against the marriage. Of greater importance was the opposition of her daughter, Hortense. But Josephine may well have figured that any daughter would fear losing her mother to a man who would not be her real father. As it happened, Napoleon was an excellent stepfather to both of Josephine's children. And then there was the little matter of General Hoche, whom Josephine had met, so to speak, while in prison (see the earlier section "Facing the guillotine"). Not only was Josephine not in love with Napoleon; she had hoped that General Hoche would leave his wife and marry her. (She finally realized that he would never do so, which may be why she eventually agreed to marry Napoleon.) It seems that Napoleon was not the greatest lover in the world, either. Though Josephine was adept in such matters and taught Napoleon a great deal, his approach was similar to his military strategy: He offered little in the way of preliminaries, preferring a quick attack with the fastest possible victory. Not in love and faced with the opposition of friends and his family, Josephine stalled when Napoleon asked her to marry him. His passion worried her, as she was unable to match it. Besides, any fire can cool quickly, so Josephine made Napoleon wait through the winter of 1795-1796. Finally, faced with her increasing age, diminishing prospects, and Napoleon's persistence, Josephine relented and agreed to marry him. Marrying their future Napoleon and Josephine agreed to a civil ceremony at 8:00 p.m. on March 9, 1796. Josephine was there early, wearing Napoleon's famous gift to her, an enameled medallion engraved "To Destiny." (They could not have possibly imagined how significant those words would be.) Barras, serving as a witness, was on time, as were other members of the wedding party. Only one person was missing: the groom! Anyone can be a little late, even to his own wedding, but as the minutes dragged on into first one hour and then two, emotions must have been on edge. The official who was to marry them left, and an underling was on hand for the ceremony, even if the groom was not. You can only imagine what thoughts were going through the various minds there assembled. If any of them had known Napoleon well, none of this would have been all that big a surprise. As general in chief of the Army of France in Italy, Napoleon had been planning a campaign and had become so engrossed in his maps that he had completely lost track of time. Clearly, his priorities were not those expected of a typical groom. Then again, Napoleon was not a typical groom. Nothing about the wedding was normal. Josephine lied about her age on the marriage certificate, claiming to be 4 years younger, and Napoleon added 18 months to his age. The end result was that they appeared to be roughly the same age. If the wedding was unusual, the wedding night was downright bizarre. Okay, lots of folks are really tired on their wedding night, and it may not really be the best possible time for an evening of wild sexual abandon. Still, Napoleon's passion and Josephine's inclinations would suggest that some kind of activity was likely. But upon coming to bed, Napoleon discovered that he was expected to share his wedding bed with another male! That would be Fortuné, Josephine's little pug dog. Now, Napoleon wasn't a big fan of dogs (or cats, for that matter). Even if you're an animal lover, you can forgive him for being upset on this occasion. Josephine, who may have still been a bit upset from the long delay in the wedding ceremony, informed Napoleon that the dog was used to sleeping in her bed and that there was no reason for that to change. An unamused Napoleon nevertheless attempted to claim his husbandly rights (or perform his husbandly duties, take your pick), but the miserable dog, evidently unhappy with the competition, bit him on the shin. Josephine's children had been apprehensive about their mother's marriage to this young general. True, Napoleon had treated her son with kindness in the matter of his father's sword (if that story is really true), but like any children, they worried about how their stepfather would relate to them. The day after the wedding, the newlyweds went to visit her children. Napoleon was at his most charming and generous. He arranged to send his own younger brother Jérôme to go to school with Eugène, visited their school, and generally did whatever he could to make them feel comfortable with him. By the end of the visit, Josephine's children knew that they had a new father they could trust — and love. Napoleon and Josephine were married. One of the greatest love stories in history had begun. But it didn't start out very promising. Within a couple days, Napoleon was off to Italy and glory, while Josephine was to stay home.

Article / Updated 03-26-2016

The Enlightenment, or Age of Enlightenment, rearranged politics and government in earthshaking ways. This cultural movement embraced several types of philosophies, or approaches to thinking and exploring the world. Generally, Enlightened thinkers thought objectively and without prejudice. Reasoning, rationalism, and empiricism were some of the schools of thought that composed the Enlightenment. Experiencing empiricism: The "people" drive government John Locke (1602 to 1704), an English medical doctor and philosopher, introduced empiricism in his 1689 Essay Concerning Human Understanding. He and his empiricist heirs — among them the Scotsman David Hume (1711 to 1776) — took the natural sciences as their model for all knowledge. Locke's work was tremendously important to philosophy, but he had just as big an influence on political thought, especially with his idea that authority derives solely from the consent of the governed. If you contrast that with older notions about the divine right of kings (which held to the belief that nobody except God — and sometimes the pope — should be able to tell a king what to do), you can see how Locke's idea led to political upheaval. Locke's work influenced the men who set the American Revolution in motion. Some French guys that you can read about in just a few paragraphs were on a similar wavelength. Thomas Hobbes, political philosopher: The monarch rules Not every philosophy rooted in scientific thinking seemed pointed toward popular revolt. Thomas Hobbes (1588 to 1679) was an Englishman who took an intellectual route from mathematics to political theory, a path that led him to advocate absolute monarchy. The Oxford-educated, well-traveled Hobbes became interested, rather late in life, in why people allowed themselves to be ruled and in what would be the best government. In 1651, he wrote his famous work Leviathan. (Although the word means "sea monster" and sometimes refers to a whale, Hobbes applied it to the powerful state, or commonwealth.) Hobbes argued that each person is self-interested and thus the people collectively cannot be trusted to govern society. Perhaps the most often quoted thing he wrote was a description of what human life was, or would be, without strong authority to keep everybody in line: During the time men live without a common power to keep them all in awe, they are in that condition called war . . . as if of every man against every man. . . . The notions of right and wrong, justice and injustice have there no place. . . . No arts; no letters; no society; and which is worst of all, continual fear, and danger of violent death: and the life of man, solitary, poor, nasty, brutish, and short. The "solitary, poor, nasty, brutish, and short" part drew much attention, especially "nasty, brutish, and short." (No, it's not a description of Hobbes.) A simple search for just those three words on the Internet turns up many references to the phrase. Among them, you'll find the English rock band that goes by the name of Nasty, Brutish, and Short. For all his distrust of human nature, Hobbes was interested in justice and he did advocate that people band together so that the monarch would hear their concerns. He even coined the term "voice of the people." Reasoning to rationalism: There's order in politics Rationalism, another seventeenth-century philosophy, chose reason and logic, rather than observation (the senses) as the basis for knowledge. Rationalism grew into a political movement, too, based in Paris and embodied in a group of writers including the poet Voltaire (1694 to 1798) and Swiss-born essayist Jean Jacques Rousseau (1712 to 1778). Rationalism traces to René Descartes (1596 to 1650), the French mathematician who invented analytical, or Cartesian (for Decartes) geometry. (Cartesian geometry uses algebra to solve geometric problems, in case you were wondering who to blame for that.) Descartes believed reason could be based on knowledge that just exists — independent of sense-experience. (Think of the way mathematical principals seem to exist on a plane separate from everyday reality.) Descartes decided that the only thing beyond doubt was his own thinking. This resulted in one of the most memorable quotes in all philosophy: "I think, therefore I am." Expanding to the Encyclopedists: Rising to revolution In the 1770s, Voltaire and other leading thinkers, led by the critic Denis Diderot (1713 to 1784), published Encyclopèdie, a collection of social and political writing. Encyclopèdie used reason to attack France's old order, the ancien régime. The Encyclopedists were intensely interested in the American Revolution, which broke out in the same decade that they were collaborating. The interest was mutual. Many of America's rebels were Enlightenment thinkers — especially Thomas Jefferson, who wrote the Declaration of Independence. Signed in 1776, it contained phrases such as "We hold these truths to be self-evident" (rationalism) and 'certain unalienable Rights" (which sounds inspired by Locke and Rousseau). Jean Jacques Rousseau's works — especially his 1755 Discourse on the Origin and Foundations of Inequality Amongst Men, which emphasized the natural goodness of human beings, and 1762's The Social Contract — had a big influence on political thinking of the time. The Social Contract introduced the slogan, "Liberty, Equality, Fraternity," battle cry of the French Revolution in 1789.